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"Esas controvertidas exenciones casan con la estrategia de defensa de la UE. Entre 2007 y 2022, Bruselas destinó 341 millones de euros a investigar las tecnologías de IA en las fronteras, según un informe de Statewatch, desde robots autónomos de control migratorio a enjambres de drones de videovigilancia. Esos fondos han financiado el despliegue de sistemas biométricos en España o el desarrollo de un sistema de predicción algorítmica de flujos migratorios desarrollado en Catalunya. "Europa se está fortificando de todas las formas posibles y la ley de la IA es clave para ir a más (...), una capa extra de la discriminación y violación flagrante de derechos que ya se da en la frontera", valora Judith Membrives, técnica de digitalización y experta en IA en Lafede.cat."

Full story here, citing our report: A clear and present danger: Missing safeguards on migration and asylum in the EU’s AI Act

The Atlanta Police Department has been snooping on social media to closely monitor the meetings, protests, canvassing–even book clubs and pizza parties–of the political movement to stop “Cop City,” a police training center that would destroy part of an urban forest. Activists already believed they were likely under surveillance by the Atlanta Police Department due to evidence in criminal cases brought against them, but the extent of the monitoring has only just been revealed. The Brennan Center for Justice has obtained and released over 2,000 pages of emails from inside the Atlanta Police Department chronicling how closely they were watching the social media of the movement.

You can read all of the emails here.

Atlanta is one of the most heavily surveilled cities in the United States.

The emails reveal monitoring that went far beyond when the department felt that laws might have been broken. Instead, they tracked every event even tangentially related to the movement–not just protests but pizza nights, canvassing for petition signatures, and reading groups. This threatens people’s ability to exercise their first-amendment protected right to protest and affiliate with various groups and political movements. The police overreach in Atlanta will deter people from practicing their politics in a way that is supposed to be protected in the United States.

To understand the many lines crossed by the Atlanta Police Department’s high-tech spying, it’s helpful to look back at the efforts to end political spying in New York City. In 1985, the pivotal legal case Handschu v. Special Services Division yielded important limits, which have been strengthened in several subsequent court decisions. The case demonstrated the illegality of police spying on people because of their religious or political beliefs. Indeed, people nationwide should have similar protections of their rights to protest, organize, and speak publicly without fear of invasive surveillance and harassment. The Atlanta Police Department’s use of social media to spy on protesters today echoes NYPD’s use of film to spy on protesters going back decades. In 2019, the New York City municipal archives digitized 140 hours of NYPD surveillance footage of protests and political activity from the 1950s through the 1970s. This footage shows the type of organizing and protesting the APD is so eager to monitor now in Atlanta.

Atlanta is one of the most heavily surveilled cities in the United States. According to EFF’s Atlas of Surveillance, law enforcement in Atlanta, supported financially by the Atlanta Police Foundation, have contracts to use nearly every type of surveillance technology we track. This is a dangerous combination. Worse, Atlanta lacks laws like CCOPS or a Face Recognition Ban to rein in police tech. Thanks to the Brennan Center, we also have strong proof of widespread social media monitoring of political activity. This is exactly why the city is so ripe for legislation to impose democratic limits on whether police can use its ever-mounting pile of invasive technology, and to place privacy limits on such use.

Until that time comes, make sure you’re up to speed on EFF’s Surveillance Self Defense Guide for attending a protest. And, if you’re on the go, bring this printable pocket version with you. 

The draft UN Cybercrime Convention was supposed to help tackle serious online threats like ransomware attacks, which cost billions of dollars in damages every year.

But, after two and a half years of negotiations among UN Member States, the draft treaty’s broad rules for collecting evidence across borders may turn it into a tool for spying on people. In other words, an extensive surveillance pact.

It permits countries to collect evidence on individuals for actions classified as serious crimes—defined as offenses punishable by four years or more. This could include protected speech activities, like criticizing a government or posting a rainbow flag, if these actions are considered serious crimes under local laws.

Here’s an example illustrating why this is a problem:

If you’re an activist in Country A tweeting about human rights atrocities in Country B, and criticizing government officials or the king is considered a serious crime in both countries under vague cybercrime laws, the UN Cybercrime Treaty could allow Country A to spy on you for Country B. This means Country A could access your email or track your location without prior judicial authorization and keep this information secret, even when it no longer impacts the investigation.

Criticizing the government is a far cry from launching a phishing attack or causing a data breach. But since it involves using a computer and is a serious crime as defined by national law, it falls within the scope of the treaty’s cross-border spying powers, as currently written.

This isn’t hyperbole. In countries like Russia and China, serious “cybercrime” has become a catchall term for any activity the government disapproves of if it involves a computer. This broad and vague definition of serious crimes allows these governments to target political dissidents and suppress free speech under the guise of cybercrime enforcement.

Posting a rainbow flag on social media could be considered a serious cybercrime in countries outlawing LGBTQ+ rights. Journalists publishing articles based on leaked data about human rights atrocities and digital activists organizing protests through social media could be accused of committing cybercrimes under the draft convention.

The text’s broad scope could allow governments to misuse the convention’s cross border spying powers to gather “evidence” on political dissidents and suppress free speech and privacy under the pretext of enforcing cybercrime laws.

Canada said it best at a negotiating session earlier this year: “Criticizing a leader, innocently dancing on social media, being born a certain way, or simply saying a single word, all far exceed the definition of serious crime in some States. These acts will all come under the scope of this UN treaty in the current draft.”

The UN Cybercrime Treaty’s broad scope must be limited to core cybercrimes. Otherwise it risks authorizing cross-border spying and extensive surveillance, and enabling Russia, China, and other countries to collaborate in targeting and spying on activists, journalists, and marginalized communities for protected speech.

It is crucial to exclude such overreach from the scope of the treaty to genuinely protect human rights and ensure comprehensive mandatory safeguards to prevent abuse. Additionally, the definition of serious crimes must be revised to include those involving death, injury, or other grave harms to further limit the scope of the treaty.

For a more in-depth discussion about the flawed treaty, read here, here, and here.

富澤由子、73歳。二つの違憲・国家賠償請求裁判を、弁護士を立てない本人訴訟で闘っている。事実婚で子どもの出生届を出すときに味わった根深い「婚外子」差別、そして相続裁判で生来の姓を使えなかった「私の苦痛」――自らの結婚、出 […]

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