IntelからTrust Domain Extensions（TDX）モジュール向けのアップデートが公開されました。

独立行政法人情報処理推進機構（IPA）は、IoT製品に対するセキュリティ適合性評価制度となる「セキュリティ要件適合評価およびラベリング制度（JC-STAR）」の運用を2025年3月から開始します。IPAでは、本制度の説明会を11月頃に予定しています。また、具体的な申請方法や申請料、適合基準について紹介するガイド等をIPA公式Webサイトで公開予定とのことです。

情報通信審議会　情報通信技術分科会　IPネットワーク設備委員会（第81回）開催案内

第4回中央選挙管理会において決定された事項

電波監理審議会　有効利用評価部会(第34回)会議資料

FCNT合同会社が製造・販売する特定無線設備に関する行政指導等

衛星通信システム委員会報告（案）に対する意見募集の結果

西日本電信電話株式会社の活用業務に係る届出内容の公表

利用者情報に関するワーキンググループ報告書（案）及び 不適正利用対策に関するワーキンググループ報告書（案） についての意見募集

On September 19, the FTC published a staff report following a multi-year investigation of nine social media and video streaming companies. The report found a myriad of privacy violations to consumers stemming largely from the ad-revenue based business models of companies including Facebook, YouTube, and X (formerly Twitter) which prompted unbridled consumer surveillance practices. In addition to these findings, the FTC points out various ways in which user data can be weaponized to lock out competitors and dominate the respective markets of these companies.

The report finds that market dominance can be established and expanded by acquisition and maintenance of user data, creating an unfair advantage and preventing new market entrants from fairly competing. EFF has found that  this is not only true for new entrants who wish to compete by similarly siphoning off large amounts of user data, but also for consumer-friendly companies who carve out a niche by refusing to play the game of dominance-through-surveillance. Abusing user data in an anti-competitive manner means users may not even learn of alternatives who have their best interests, rather than the best interests of the company advertising partners, in mind.

The relationship between privacy violations and anti-competitive behavior is elaborated upon in a section of the report which points out that “data abuse can raise entry barriers and fuel market dominance, and market dominance can, in turn, further enable data abuses and practices that harm consumers in an unvirtuous cycle.” In contrast with the recent United States v. Google LLC (2020) ruling, where Judge Amit P. Mehta found that the data collection practices of Google, though injurious to consumers, were outweighed by an improved user experience, the FTC highlighted a dangerous feedback loop in which privacy abuses beget further privacy abuses. We agree with the FTC and find the identification of this ‘unvirtuous cycle’ a helpful focal point for further antitrust action.

In an interesting segment focusing on the existing protections the European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) specifies for consumers’ data privacy rights which the US lacks, the report explicitly mentions not only the right of consumers to delete or correct the data held by companies, but importantly also the right to transfer (or port) one’s data to the third party of their choice. This is a right EFF has championed time and again in pointing out the strength of the early internet came from nascent technologies’ imminent need (and implemented ability) to play nicely with each other in order to make any sense—let alone be remotely usable—to consumers. It is this very concept of interoperability which can now be re-discovered and give users control over their own data by granting them the freedom to frictionlessly pack up their posts, friend connections, and private messages and leave when they are no longer willing to let the entrenched provider abuse them.

We hope and believe that the significance of the FTC staff report comes not only from the abuses they have meticulously documented, but the policy and technological possibilities that can follow from the willingness to embrace alternatives. Alternatives where corporate surveillance cementing dominant players based on selling out their users is not the norm. We look forward to seeing these alternatives emerge and grow.

　この夏の戦争関連番組で特に注目したものを振り返りたい。まずＮＨＫスペシャルから３作。　『新・ドキュメント太平洋戦争1944　絶望の空の下で』は、市民の犠牲が急増したこの年を、サイパン島で両親を米軍の銃撃で喪いながらも奇跡的に生き延びた少女の手記や、武蔵野の中島飛行機の工場への爆撃で亡くなった少女の遺した日誌などから描いた。『“最後の一人を殺すまで”～サイパン戦　発掘・米軍録音記録～』は、米軍が録音したサイパン戦の米兵の肉声を発掘、初めて日本の民間人と対峙した戦場で、投降を呼..

Update (10/8/2024): Brazil lifted a ban on the X Corp. social media platform today after the country's Supreme Court said the company had complied with all of its orders. Regulators have 24 hours to reinstate the platform, though it could take longer for it to come back online.

The feud between X Corp. and Brazil’s Supreme Court continues to drag on: After a month-long standoff, X Corp. folded and complied with court orders to suspend several accounts, name a legal representative in Brazil, and pay 28.6 million reais ($5.24 million) in fines. That hasn’t cleared the matter up, though.

The Court says X paid the wrong bank, which X denies. Justice Alexandre de Moraes has asked that the funds be redirected to the correct bank and for Brazil’s prosecutor general to weigh in on X’s requests to be reinstated in Brazil.

So the drama continues, as does the collateral damage to millions of Brazilian users who rely on X Corp. to share information and expression. While we watch it unfold, it’s not too early to draw some important lessons for the future.

Let’s break it down.

How We Got Here

The Players

Unlike courts in many countries, the Brazilian Supreme Court has the power to conduct its own investigations in limited circumstances, and issue orders based on its findings. Justice Moraes has drawn on this power frequently in the past few years to target what he called “digital militias,” anti-democratic acts, and fake news. Many in Brazil believe that these investigations, combined with other police work, have helped rein in genuinely dangerous online activities and protect the survival of Brazil’s democratic processes, particularly in the aftermath of January 2023 riots.

At the same time, Moraes’ actions have raised concerns about judicial overreach. For instance, his work is less than transparent. And the resulting content blocking orders more often than not demand suspension of entire accounts, rather than specific posts. Other leaked orders include broad requests for subscriber information of people who used a specific hashtag.

X Corp.’s controversial CEO, Elon Musk has publicly criticized the blocking orders. And while he may be motivated by concern for online expression, it is difficult to untangle that motivation from his personal support for the far-right causes Moraes and others believe threaten democracy in Brazil.

The Standoff

In August, as part of an investigation into coordinated actions to spread disinformation and destabilize Brazilian democracy, Moraes ordered X Corp. to suspend accounts that were allegedly used to intimidate and expose law enforcement officers. Musk refused, directly contradicting his past statements that X Corp. “can’t go beyond the laws of a country”—a stance that supposedly justified complying with controversial orders to block accounts and posts in Turkey and India.

After Moraes gave X Corp. 24 hours to fulfill the order or face fines and the arrest of one of its lawyers, Musk closed down the company’s operations in Brazil altogether. Moraes then ordered Brazilian ISPs to block the platform until Musk designated a legal representative. And people who used tools such as VPNs to circumvent the block can be fined 50,000 reais (approximately $ 9,000 USD) per day.

These orders remain in place unless or until pending legal challenges succeed. Justice Moraes has also authorized Brazil’s Federal Police to monitor “extreme cases” of X Corp. use. It’s unclear what qualifies as an “extreme case,” or how far the police may take that monitoring authority. Flagged users must be notified that X Corp. has been blocked in Brazil; if they continue to use it via VPNs or other means, they are on the hook for substantial daily fines.

A Bridge Too Far

Moraes’ ISP blocking order, combined with the user fines, has been understandably controversial. International freedom of expression standards treat these kinds of orders as extreme measures, permissible only in exceptional circumstances where provided by law and in accordance with necessary and proportionate principles. Justice Moraes said the blocking was necessary given upcoming elections and the risk that X Corp. would ignore future orders and allow the spread of disinformation.

But it has also meant that millions of Brazilians cannot access a platform that, for them, is a valuable source of information. Indeed, restrictions on accessing X Corp. ended up creating hurdles to understanding and countering electoral disinformation. The Brazilian Association of Newspapers has argued the restrictions adversely impact journalism. At the same time, online electoral disinformation holds steady on other platforms (while possibly at a slower pace).

Moreover, now that X Corp. has bowed to his demands, Moraes’ concerns that the company cannot be trusted to comply with Brazilian law are harder to justify. In any event, there are far more balanced options now to deal with the remaining fines that don’t create collateral damage to millions of users.

What Comes Next: Concerns and Open Questions

There are several structural issues that have helped fuel the conflict and exacerbated its negative effects. First, the mechanisms for legal review of Moraes’ orders are unclear and/or ineffective. The Supreme Court has previously held that X Corp. itself cannot challenge suspension of user accounts, thwarting a legal avenue for platforms to defend their users’ speech—even where they may be the only entities that even know about the order before accounts are shut down.

A Brazilian political party and the Federal Council of the Brazilian Bar Association filed legal challenges to the blocking order and user fines, respectively, but it is likely that courts will find these challenges procedurally improper as well.

Back in 2016, a single Supreme Court Justice held back a wave of blocking orders targeting WhatsApp. Eight years later, a single Justice may have created a new precedent in the opposite direction—with little or no means to appeal it.

Second, this case highlights what can happen when too much power is held by just a few people or institutions. On the one hand, in Brazil as elsewhere, a handful of wealthy corporations wield enormous power over online expression. Here, that problem is exacerbated by Elon Musk’s control of Starlink, an important satellite internet provider in Brazil.

On the other hand, the Supreme Court also has tremendous power. Although the court’s actions may have played an important role in preserving Brazilian democracy in recent years, powers that are not properly subject to public oversight or meaningful challenge invite overreach.

All of which speaks to a need for better transparency (in both the public and private sectors) and real checks and balances. Independent observers note that, despite challenges, Brazil has already improved its democratic processes. Strengthening this path includes preventing judicial overreach.

As for social media platforms, the best way to stave off future threats to online expression may be to promote more alternatives, so no single powerful person, whether a judge, a billionaire, or even a president, can dramatically restrict online expression with the stroke of a pen.