EFF to State AGs: Time to Investigate Crisis Pregnancy Centers

2 months 2 weeks ago

Discovering that you’re pregnant can trigger a mix of emotions—excitement, uncertainty, or even distress—depending on your circumstances. Whatever your feelings are, your next steps will likely involve disclosing that news, along with other deeply personal information, to a medical provider or counselor as you explore your options.

Many people will choose to disclose that information to their trusted obstetricians, or visit their local Planned Parenthood clinic. Others, however, may instead turn to a crisis pregnancy center (CPC). Trouble is, some of these centers may not be doing a great job of prioritizing or protecting their clients’ privacy.

CPCs (also known as “fake clinics”) are facilities that are often connected to religious organizations and have a strong anti-abortion stance. While many offer pregnancy tests, counseling, and information, as well as limited medical services in some cases, they do not provide reproductive healthcare such as abortion or, in many cases, contraception. Some are licensed medical clinics; most are not. Either way, these services are a growing enterprise: in 2022, CPCs reportedly received $1.4 billion in revenue, including substantial federal and state funds.     

Last year, researchers at the Campaign for Accountability filed multiple complaints urging attorneys general in five states—Idaho, Minnesota, Washington, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey—to investigate crisis pregnancy centers that allegedly had misrepresented, through their client intake process and/or websites, that information provided to them was protected by the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (“HIPAA”).

Additionally, an incident in Louisiana raised concerns that CPCs may be sharing client information with other centers in their affiliated networks, without appropriate privacy or anonymity protections. In that case, a software training video inadvertently disclosed the names and personal information of roughly a dozen clients.

Unfortunately, these privacy practices aren’t confined to those states. For example, the Pregnancy Help Center, located in Missouri, states on its website that:

Pursuant to the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA), Pregnancy Help Center has developed a notice for patients, which provides a clear explanation of privacy rights and practices as it relates to private health information.

And its Notice of Privacy Practices suggests oversight by the U.S. Department of Health and Human, instructing clients who feel their rights were violated to:

file a complaint with the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Office for Civil Rights by sending a letter to 200 Independence Avenue, S.W., Washington, D.C. 20201, calling 1-877-696-6775, or visiting www.hhs.gov/ocr/privacy/hipaa/complaints/.

 Websites for centers in other states, such as Florida, Texas, and Arkansas, contain similar language.

As we’ve noted before, there are far too few protections for user privacy–including medical privacy—and individuals have little control over how their personal data is collected, stored, and used. Until Congress passes a comprehensive privacy law that includes a private right of action, state attorneys general must take proactive steps to protect their constituents from unfair or deceptive privacy practices. Accordingly, EFF has called on attorneys general in Florida, Texas, Arkansas, and Missouri to investigate potential privacy violations and hold accountable CPCs that engage in deceptive practices.

Regardless of your views on reproductive healthcare, we should all agree that privacy is a basic human right, and that consumers deserve transparency. Our elected officials have a responsibility to ensure that personal information, especially our sensitive medical data, is protected.

Corynne McSherry

鉱業等に係る土地利用の調整手続等に関する法律の施行等に関する規則の一部を改正する規則案及び公害紛争の処理手続等に関する規則の一部を改正する規則案についての意見募集

2 months 2 weeks ago
鉱業等に係る土地利用の調整手続等に関する法律の施行等に関する規則の一部を改正する規則案及び公害紛争の処理手続等に関する規則の一部を改正する規則案についての意見募集
総務省

What Proponents of Digital Replica Laws Can Learn from the Digital Millennium Copyright Act

2 months 2 weeks ago

We're taking part in Copyright Week, a series of actions and discussions supporting key principles that should guide copyright policy. Every day this week, various groups are taking on different elements of copyright law and policy, and addressing what's at stake, and what we need to do to make sure that copyright promotes creativity and innovation 

Performers—and ordinary people—are understandably concerned that they may be replaced or defamed by AI-generated imitations. We’ve seen a host of state and federal bills designed to address that concern, but every one just generates new problems.  

One of the most pernicious proposals is the NO FAKES Act, and Copyright Week is a good time to remember why. We’ve detailed the many problems of the bill before, but, ironically enough, one of the worst aspects is the bone it throws to critics who worry the legislation’s broad provisions and dramatic penalties will lead platforms to over-censor online expression: a safe harbor scheme modeled on the DMCA notice and takedown process.  

In essence, platforms can avoid liability if they remove all instances of allegedly illegal content once they are notified that the content is unauthorized. Platforms that ignore such a notice can be on the hook just for linking to unauthorized replicas. And every single copy made, transmitted, or displayed is a separate violation, incurring a $5000 penalty – which will add up fast. The bill does offer one not very useful carveout: if a platform can prove in court that it had an objectively reasonable belief that the content was lawful, the penalties for getting it wrong are capped at $1 million.   

The safe harbors offer cold comfort to platforms and the millions of people who rely on them to create, share, and access content. The DMCA notice and takedown process has offered important protections for the development of new venues for speech, helping creators finds audiences and vice versa. Without those protections, Hollywood would have had a veto right over all kinds of important speech tools and platforms, from basic internet service to social media and news sites to any other service that might be used to host or convey copyrighted content, thanks to copyright’s ruinous statutory penalties. The risks of accidentally facilitating infringement would have been just too high.   

But the DMCA notice and takedown process has also been regularly abused to target lawful speech. Congress knew this was a risk, so it built in some safeguards: a counter-notice process to help users get improperly targeted content restored, and a process for deterring that abuse in the first place by allowing users to hold notice senders accountable when they misuse the process. Unfortunately, some courts have mistakenly interpreted the latter provisions to require showing that the sender subjectively knew it was lying when it claimed the content was unlawful. That standard is very hard to meet in most cases. 

Proponents of a new digital replica right could have learned from that experience and created a notice process with strong provisions against abuse. Those provisions are even more necessary here, where it would be even harder for providers to know whether a notice is false. Instead, NO FAKES offers fewer safeguards than the DMCA. For example, while the DMCA puts the burden on the rightsholder to put up or shut up (i.e., file a lawsuit) if a speaker pushes back and explains why the content is lawful, NO FAKES instead puts the burden on the speaker to run to court within 14 days to defend their rights. The powerful have lawyers on retainer who can do that, but most creators, activists, and citizen journalists do not.   

And the NO FAKES provisions to allow improperly targeted speakers to hold the notice abuser accountable will offer as little deterrent as the roughly parallel provisions in the DMCA. As with the DMCA, a speaker must prove that the lie was “knowing,” which can be interpreted to mean that the sender gets off scot-free as long as they subjectively believe the lie to be true, no matter how unreasonable that belief.  

If proponents want to protect online expression for everyone, at a minimum they should redraft the counter-notice process to more closely model the DMCA, and clarify that abusers, like platforms, will be held to an objective knowledge standard. If they don’t, the advent of digital replicas will, ironically enough, turn out to be an excuse to strangle all kinds of new and old creativity. 

Corynne McSherry