Work Group on a Solidarity Socio-Economy -Alliance 21
Preparatory Meeting for the launching of the Workshop on International
Regulations
Within the context of a Solidarity Socio-Economy in an era of Neo-liberal
Globalization
Tokyo, October 9-11 2003
On Debt Cancellation
Njoki Njoroge Njohu( 50 Year Enough, USA-Kenya)
DEBT - Killing Slowly & Surely
DEBT is necessarily the starting point in explaining the state of siege
that grips the economies of most developing countries today. That's because
the efforts by governments to pay their external debts, or at least calm
the pressures exerted on them to make interest payments, are what have
allowed officials of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World
Bank to take those countries' economic policies hostage. The remedies
prescribed by these experts have only exacerbated the twin problems of
debt and poverty.
Unfortunately, when decision makers, policy makers, legislators, economists,
bankers, and sometimes even people like ourselves think about and talk
about debt, they -- we -- forget that it is about people: individuals,
families, and communities.
We forget that debt, that policy, has a human face: that cuts in education
mean someone's child, most likely a daughter, will never receive an education.
We forget that cuts in health spending mean that over 35,000 children
a day die from curable and preventable diseases. We forget that cuts in
food subsidies mean that millions more children die from malnutrition
and starvation before the age of five. We forget that cuts in credit to
farmers mean that the food security of entire countries has been decimated
as more and more credit and emphasis is placed on cash crops like coffee,
tea, cut flowers, tobacco, and cotton. And we forget that the promotion
of the export oriented model of production condemns millions of 9 and
10 year old boys, teenage girls, and young women to working in Haitian,
Indonesian, Salvadoran, and Pakistani sweatshops making toys for Disney,
clothing for Wal Mart and the Gap, and sewing soccer balls.
All this because these countries have a crushing debt burden. All this
because the world's leaders can find $120 billion to bailout out bankers,
investors, Wall Street firms, and international banks, but they have little
or no money for debt cancellation, programs for poor children, health
care for the poor and the elderly, environmental protection, or for education
and affordable housing.
President Bush recently visited Africa, but he was kept far away from
actual Africans. When former U.S. president Bill Clinton went to Africa,
he interacted a little more. In March 1998, while in South Africa, President
Clinton said that upon his return from his African trip he would be looking
into debt because everyone was talking to him about it. I believe what
happened was that Mr. Clinton, in visiting African countries, meeting
and talking to Africans, got a real glimpse of the impact of debt in ordinary
people's lives. No matter how hard or long they work, debt is strangling
them, crushing them, and debilitating them. President Clinton got to experience
a reality which could never have been conveyed by a policy briefing, a
newspaper story, or a TV documentary. As he danced with schoolchildren
in Uganda, he might have been touched by the great level of hope and determination
and the realization that they don't stand a chance of achieving their
dreams in the current circumstances.
I am from Kenya, Uganda's neighbor to the East. If President Clinton had
visited Kenya, he may very well have been dancing with children from my
home village, Kanyariri , after all, in 1991 Clinton's Vice President,
then Senator Gore, visited and wrote about the environmental work of the
women of Kanyariri, including my mother and grandmother, in his book Earth
in the Balance.
A few years ago, while I was in Kenya for a family visit, the front page
of the Daily Nation, Kenya's leading English language daily newspaper,
reported the death due to starvation of children and old people in Machakos
District in Eastern Kenya. Kenya was experiencing a prolonged drought,
and Machakos and other arid and semi arid parts of Eastern Kenya were
experiencing famine and critical food shortages. The newspaper article
quoted Kenya's president appealing for food aid to the region from the
international community.
Several pages later, in the same newspaper, there was a story about tons
of cotton rotting in Western Kenya as it sat unprocessed in storage facilities
due to lack of transportation. I was struck by the irony of a nation that
could not feed its most vulnerable, but was raising non food cash crops
in order to earn foreign currency to service its debt.
Perhaps the answer is not as easy as Western Kenya growing maize, millet,
beans, and cassava so that people in Eastern Kenya never starve to death.
But perhaps it should be that easy. We know that structural adjustment
programs have not worked in over 20 years in 90 plus countries, since
poverty just continues to increase. And we know that the debt burden continues
to crush the hopes and dreams of entire generations. We know that the
more countries pay, the more they seem to owe. So perhaps Africa's march
into the 21st century will not begin with hooking African villages to
the Internet, as Mr. Clinton suggested in Uganda, but with the meeting
of everyday needs food, water, health care, a clean environment, and basic
education for all. The march to the 21st century must begin by thinking
and providing the basics of life. That march to the future will only truly
begin when the multilateral financial institutions and powerful countries
like the U.S. and Japan get serious about debt cancellation. And that
cancellation MUST be de-linked from structural adjustment requirements.
"I've called for a long time for the cancellation of the crippling
debt which we have had to bear for so long... this is the new moral crusade:
to have the debt cancelled, following the Biblical principle of Jubilee.
Basically this principle says that everything belongs to God; all debts
must be cancelled in the Jubilee year to give debtors a chance to make
a new beginning." - Archbishop - Desmond Tutu
We do not believe debt cancellation to be a "magic bullet,"
but we acknowledge that no single step would go further toward accomplishing
the goals of the 50 Years Is Enough Network than eliminating the enormous
debts that have been heaped on Southern economies. The structural adjustment
programs (SAPs) that today strangle over 90 countries are imposed by the
IMF and World Bank precisely so that governments can accumulate hard currency
to pay their debts. Agreeing to a SAP is usually the only option left
for a government to insure the minimum financial flows needed to keep
running. SAPs compel countries to cut social spending, restrict credit,
open up their economies to foreigners, and orient their productive capacities
to export agriculture, thus reducing food security and contributing to
environmental degradation. SAPs also add substantial extra burdens to
women, who already suffer disproportionately from poverty.
The massive debts that lead to the ceding of a country's economy to international
bankers are those owed by developing countries to other countries (as
a result of loans and aid programs), to private banks, and to the multilateral
institutions themselves the World Bank, the IMF, and regional development
banks. These debts have accumulated in most of the world over the last
twenty or so years due to predatory lending practices by private banks;
loans for huge infrastructure projects which were poorly conceived or
executed; the oil crisis of the mid 1970s; the sudden and dramatic jump
in interest rates at the end of the 1970s initiated by the U.S. Federal
Reserve Board; and the massive amounts of loan money which disappeared
into the pockets of dictators and other corrupt government officials.
Regardless of who has benefited from years of reckless lending and spending,
it is entire countries and their citizenries, not government officials
or bankers, who are held accountable for the loans. Well paid bankers
in Washington prattle about the "moral hazard" of setting the
precedent of letting debtors off the hook, with no acknowledgment of the
system's essential corruption: the direct beneficiaries were mainly contractors
in the North (for infrastructure loans) and autocrats in the South. Those
the institutions choose to see as the "debtors" are the poor
people of Africa, Asia, and Latin America who have had no share in any
gains from the loans and had no part in the decision to take them in the
first place.
Countries cannot file for bankruptcy protection; as long as they exist,
their debts stay with them. In the world of international finance there
is one inexhaustible resource, one player that can always be made to pay:
the poor. A legal doctrine, odious debt, has been employed to exempt countries
from debts incurred by a previous government which acted against the interest
of the people and without their consent. But it has only been used in
cases where a powerful country has had a clear stake in the outcome. In
the last few months this idea has been debated again with regard to Iraq.
Iraq is in fact a very good example of a country with huge debts that
its people should not be forced to pay. What is unjust is not the notion
of canceling that debt, but that countries in even worse condition, endured
for decades, with debt burdens as clearly odious as Iraq's, have been
condemned to a spiral of poverty, disease, and death. Perhaps the case
of Iraq, if the principle of odiousness is applied, will set a valuable
precedent; it is just as likely, however, that it will be fashioned as
an exception on some technical grounds, when in fact what is exceptions
is the U.S. government's tremendous need for it to recover rapidly.
Much more needs to be done. Many countries still spend more on debt servicing
than on healthcare and education. The result is needless suffering --
for example, many countries, especially in Africa, divert desperately
needed funds to well-endowed institutions like the World Bank and IMF
instead of devoting the funds to combating HIV/AIDS and other health crises
on the continent. The UN estimates it would take $10 billion annually
to successfully fight HIV/AIDS in Africa, the continent collectively sends
$15 billion annually to wealthy creditors including G8 governments like
the U.S. and Japan.
Until more definitive steps are taken to end the debt crisis in the most
impoverished countries, creditor governments and financial institutions,
will continue to grapple with the problems caused by debt and millions
will continue to die each year. There have been many commitments made
by governments, especially G8 governments including Japan, but it is and
has not been enough. Moreover, the debt crisis seems to have fallen off
the agenda of creditors, at the G8 summits and at the annual and semi-annual
meetings of the World Bank and IMF. It is time that creditors, bilateral
and multilateral creditors, match their rhetoric with action and real
money, as a first, critical and necessary step towards resolving the debt
crisis.
A few examples of what this accountancy horror has resulted in:
œ According to the All-Africa Conference of Churches, "Every child
in Africa is born with a financial burden which a lifetime's work cannot
repay. The debt is a new form of slavery as vicious as the slave trade."
œ Between 1980 and 1992, a period during which nearly every country in
Sub Saharan Africa labored under structural adjustment policies much of
the time, that region saw its debt burden triple. For the developing countries
as a whole, it doubled.
œ The flow of money between the North and South was reversed some time
ago; developing countries now pay more in debt servicing than they take
in through the combination of trade and aid. Between 1982 and 1990, the
South transferred a net $418 billion to the North. Between 1987 and 1995
the IMF received $4 billion more in debt repayments from the most indebted
and impoverished countries than it has provided.
œ Africa spends four times more on debt interest payments than on health
care. Recent figures for Uganda showed that for every $3 the government
spent on health, it paid $17 in debt service, most of which went to multilateral
lending institutions.
œ In Mexico, the austerity measures implemented beginning in 1982 caused
the following effects before the "peso crisis" of late 1994:
health expenditures dropped from 4.7% of public spending to 2.7%; the
real minimum wage dropped 60%; the cost of basic goods rose at three times
the rate of wages; and the portion of the population living in official
poverty increased from 13% to 24%.
œ In the early 1990s, 75% of the U.S.'s Agency for International Development
(USAID) budget for Nicaragua went toward paying interest on the national
debt and improving balance of trade figures. Nicaragua took in $631 million
in "liquid resources" in 1994; over 70% of that money went toward
paying the interest on the country's foreign debt.
œ Between 1990 and 1993 the government of Zambia spent $37 million on
primary school education. Over the same period, it spent $1.3 billion
on debt repayments. Repayments to the IMF alone were equivalent to ten
times government spending on primary education.
œ Of $2.9 billion provided by the World Bank's soft loan arm, the International
Development Association (IDA), to the world's poorest countries, fully
two thirds ($1.9 billion) was spent on repaying past World Bank loans.
A good bit of the remaining third went to the IMF.
œ The external debt burden of sub-Saharan Africa has increased by nearly
400% since 1980, when the IMF and World Bank began imposing their "structural
adjustment programs."
œ External debt per capita for sub-Saharan Africa (not including South
Africa) is $365, while GNP per capita is just $308.
œ The external debt for the region (again excluding South Africa), at
some $203 billion in 1996, represents 313% of the annual value of its
exports.
œ Debt servicing for sub-Saharan Africa amounts to about 20% of its export
income.
œ In 1996, sub-Saharan Africa (minus South Africa) paid $2.5 billion more
in debt servicing than it got in new long-term loans and credits.
The 50 Years Is Enough Network calls for an end to an obscene system
that considers interest payments sacrosanct while the most minimal quality
of life for citizens of indebted countries becomes a luxury to be splurged
on if the debts have been paid. When Charles Dickens exposed the plight
of the children of imprisoned debtors in London, the society reacted in
horror and quickly reformed the system. Today entire societies are imprisoned,
starved and deprived of health care and education, and yet the logic of
international account balances exonerates the bankers who insist on seeing
their profit line grow at the expense of entire generations.
The IMF has approximately $30 - $40 billion worth of gold; the World Bank
likewise is comfortably endowed and makes a tidy profit ($1.3 billion
in 1996) on the loans it has made to its less impoverished clients. Both
are putting up more buildings in Washington; neither is cutting back on
pay for their legions of "experts." In the face of this absurdity,
we all simply look to the rules and say it must be so. Because no one
pulls a trigger or pushes a button, we act as if the undeniable violence
of enforced, needless poverty has no source and cannot be changed. This,
truly, is the "banality of evil." We must insist on a new vision
of economics, of banking, of resources, and of humanity. This outrageous
undeclared war on the poor has gone on far too long.
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR DEBT CANCELLATION:
œ The Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) debt initiative of the World
Bank and IMF has proved at best insufficient, and more to the point, merely
a device to entice governments into adhering to senselessly harsh structural
adjustment programs when they have few other incentives to do so. Countries
which have gone through it, such as Uganda and Mozambique, have found
its "benefits" negligible. Its framework, which continues to
call for countries to adhere to SAPs and which reserves all decision-making
power for the international financial institutions and the Paris Club
of creditors, must be scrapped. In its place should be established a neutral
arbitration body which will treat international debts of impoverished
countries much as municipalities' debts are treated in the U.S. -- something
akin to a bankruptcy procedure for governments. No debt cancellation or
reduction should linked to macro economic performance standards such as
those set out by SAPs.
œ The IMF's Poverty Reduction & Growth Facility (PRGF) like its predecessor,
the Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF) does not constructively
address the underlying problem of debt, but rather simply re schedules
and adds to the debt burden. It should be terminated rapidly and its outstanding
loans immediately subject to cancellation or significant reduction.
œ Any past World Bank loan should be subject to challenge by governments
or coalitions of NGOs, with an independent tribunal empowered to release
governments from obligations on failed projects or contracted by corrupt
or autocratic officials.
œ Debt contracted by undemocratic governments or which never served the
interests of the parties now charged with its re-payment (e.g. apartheid-era
debt in South Africa; funds which went directly from the IMF into Zairean
dictator Mobutu's bank accounts) must be declared "odious debt"
and canceled.
œ Future loans should be submitted to an open, democratic process in
each borrowing country so that debt is contracted only with the informed
consent of the citizens who will use the funds and repay the debt.
Debt cancellation is a matter of fairness, of justice. Debt cancellation
requires creditors take responsibility and bear some of the burden which
to date continues to be disproportionately born by debtors, and especially
populations in debt countries who benefited the least from the loans.
Debt cancellation would be a first step in rectifying an obscene, inhumane,
and profoundly unjust system. One cannot help but ask, as did Mwalimu
Julius Nyerere, Tanzania's first president, "Must we starve our children
to pay our debts?" The price of maintaining the international debt
system is too high; too much and too many are being sacrificed - millions
of lives, environmental protection, livelihoods, resources, basic needs
(water, education, food security, shelter, health care, etc.) and the
dignity of billions. Another way is possible: "Cancel the Debts,
NOW!"
|