イラク爆撃に関して、
◆情報提供１
◆情報提供２
◆質問
◆訂正
です。
◆情報提供１
ご存じのように日本時間午前８時，クリントン大統領は「作戦は完了した」
と声明を読み上げ、爆撃を一時中止することを発表しました。
国際社会の反発、ラマダンの開始、大統領自身の下院の弾劾決議がもう通っ
てしまったことなどが理由と思われます。すでに大方の論評が一致しているよ
うに、今回の作戦はアメリカにとって完全に逆効果。フセイン体制の結束を強
め、ロシアとの関係を決定的に悪化させ、英米についてくるのは日本のような
腰巾着国家（昔は「鬼畜」と呼んでたんですがね）だけという国際的孤立など、
何よりフセイン体制の打倒を勝ち取れなかったこと。
ここではクリントン声明の全文を転載します。抗議文など作成の際に正確な
引用のために必要な方もあるためと判断しましたので。この中で大統領は、今
後の方針として
（１）この地域に引き続き強大な軍事力を維持し、必要なら再攻撃を行う。
（２）経済制裁の継続。
（３）UNSCOMの査察の再開
をあげています。
◆情報提供２
今回の作戦には日本からは沖縄海兵隊が参加していることはお知らせしたと
おりですが、彼らは今クウェートの砂漠で地上戦の訓練をやっているようです。
琉球新報と読売新聞が１８日付けで、第３１海兵遠征部隊のホームページのニ
ュースを引用して伝えています。このニュースの原文は、
http://www.usmc.mil/news98.nsf/31+meu
で
Posted 12/11/98 07:21:40 AM --- More 31 MEU news articles
DESERT PROVIDES GOOD TRAINING GROUND, AND A FEW
SURPRISES
という記事です。
アメリカがどうしてもフセインを打倒したいと思うなら地上軍の投入が不可
欠です。この海兵隊がその尖兵の役割を担うとしたら重大問題になります。そ
れは安保条約の事前協議にかかわってくるからです。「同部隊の動きは日本政
府も注目している。」（読売）というのはまた国際政治的に微妙な問題にもな
るからです。しかし「注目」でなく、政府としては米国に対して照会ないし、
「もしこの兵力が投入されれば事前協議制度を無視することになる」と警告を
しないといけないことです。
◆質問
今回の「砂漠の狐」の国際法上の根拠を、米国・英国は明確にしていないと
思います。そんなのできるわけない、と言われる方も多いと思いますが、実は
日本政府はこれを「明確」にしているようです。
１８日の衆院安全保障委員会で外務大臣は、「安保理決議六七八にしたがっ
たもので、国連によって許されている」「安保理決議六七八にしたがったもの
で、国連によって許されている」と答えたそうです（「赤旗」１９日）。ご存
じのようにこの決議は、イラクがクウェートを占領しているときに「必要なす
べての措置」を取れるとしたもので、いつでもなんでもしていいとは解釈され
ていません。
ガイドライン論議でも重要な論点になるので、明確にしておきたいのは、
（１）この日本政府解釈と同様の見解を公にした国はあるか。
（２）アメリカ政府が「砂漠の狐」の国際法根拠を明確にしている文書や声明
をご存じの方は指摘してください。
◆訂正 私がポストした「イラク爆撃、在日米軍兵士の声」の中で
>◆三沢の技術将校「また我々が第３世界の国を吹き飛ばしてるって言う連中
が
>出てくる」
を以下のように訂正します。
「第三世界の国をわれわれが吹っ飛ばすこじつけをあ
のきったねえウィリーがほざいてるだけさ。」
「ウイリー」はクリントンの蔑称。
MARUYAMA Kさんのご教示によります。私の情報転載は巧遅よりも拙速を旨とし
ていますので間違いがありえます。原文も引用ないし指示していますので、転
載の際は原文を参照してください。
−−−−−−−クリントン声明−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
______________________________________________________________________
__
For Immediate Release December 19, 1998
REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT
ON IRAQ
The Roosevelt Room
6:00 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: On Wednesday, I ordered our Armed Forces to strike
military and strategic targets in Iraq. They were joined by British
forces. That operation is now complete, in accordance with our 70-hour
plan.
My national security team has just briefed me on the results.
They
are preliminary, but let me say just a few words about why we acted,
what we have achieved, and where we want to go.
We began with this basic proposition: Saddam Hussein must not
be
allowed to develop nuclear arms, poison gas, biological
weapons, or
the
means to deliver them. He has used such weapons before against
soldiers and civilians, including his own people. We have no doubt
that if left unchecked he would do so again.
Saddam must not be prepared to
defy the will -- be permitted --
excuse
me -- to defy the will of the international community. Without a firm
response he would have been emboldened to do that again and again.
For seven and a half years now, the United Nations weapons inspectors
have done a truly remarkable job, in forcing Saddam to disclose and
destroy weapons and missiles he insisted he did not have. But over
the
past year, Saddam has repeatedly sought to cripple the inspections
system. Each time, through intensive diplomatic efforts backed by the
threat of military action, Saddam has backed down. When he did so last
month, I made it absolutely clear that if he did not give UNSCOM full
cooperation this time, we would act swiftly and without further delay.
For three weeks, the inspectors tested Saddam's commitment to
cooperate. They repeatedly ran into roadblocks and restrictions, some
of them new. As their Chairman, Richard Butler, concluded in his
report to the United Nations on Tuesday, the inspectors no longer were
able to do their job. So far as I was concerned, Saddam's days of
cheat and retreat were over.
Our objectives in this military action were clear: to degrade
Saddam's weapons of mass destruction program and related delivery
systems, as well as his capacity to attack his neighbors. It will
take some time to make a detailed assessment of our operation, but
based on the briefing I've just received, I am confident we have
achieved our mission. We have inflicted significant damage on
Saddam's weapons of mass destruction programs, on the command
structures that direct and protect that capability, and on his
military and security infrastructure. In a short while, Secretary
Cohen and General Shelton will give you a more detailed analysis from
the Pentagon.
So long as Saddam remains in power he will remain a threat to
his
people, his region and the world. With our allies, we must pursue
a strategy to contain him and to constrain his weapons of mass
destruction program, while working toward
the day Iraq has a
government
willing to live at peace with its people and with its neighbors.
Let me describe the elements of that strategy going forward. First,
we will maintain a strong military presence in the area, and we will
remain ready to use it if Saddam tries to rebuild his weapons of mass
destruction, strikes out at his neighbors, challenges allied aircraft,
or moves against the Kurds. We also will continue to enforce no-fly
zones in the North, and from the southern suburbs of Baghdad to the
Kuwaiti border.
Second, we will sustain what have been among the most extensive
sanctions in U.N. history. To date, they have cost Saddam more than
$120 billion, resources that otherwise would have gone toward
rebuilding his military. At the same time, we will support a
continuation of the oil-for-food program, which generates more than
$10 billion a year for food, medicine and other critical humanitarian
supplies for the Iraqi people. We will insist that Iraq's oil be used
for food, not tanks.
Third, we would welcome the return of UNSCOM and the International
Atomic Energy Agency back into Iraq to pursue their mandate from the
United Nations -- provided that Iraq first takes concrete, affirmative
and demonstrable actions to show that it will fully cooperate with
the
inspectors. But if UNSCOM is not allowed to resume its work on a
regular basis, we will remain vigilant and prepared to use force if
we
see that Iraq is rebuilding its weapons programs.
Now, over the long-term the best way to end the threat that Saddam
poses to his own people in the region is for Iraq to have a different
government. We will intensify our engagement with the Iraqi opposition
groups, prudently and effectively. We will work with Radio Free Iraq,
to help news and information flow freely to the country. And we will
stand ready to help a new leadership in Baghdad that abides by its
international commitments and respects the rights of its own people.
We hope it will return Iraq to its rightful place in the community
of
nations.
Let me say in closing again how terribly proud I am of our men
and
women in uniform. Once again, they have done a difficult job with
skill, dedication and determination. I also want to say that I am very
proud of our national security team. I want to thank Secretary
Cohen
and General Shelton; I want to thank Secretary Albright and Sandy
Berger. The Vice President and I have relied on them very heavily --
they have performed with extraordinary ability and restraint, as well
as effectiveness. I am very, very grateful for the way this operation
was planned and executed.
But again, foremost, I want to give my thanks to our men and
women in
uniform. We are waiting for the last planes to come home, and praying
that we'll be able to tell you tomorrow that every
last one of them
has
returned home safely.
Thank you very much.
END 6:08 P.M. EST
−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−
****************************
Masahiko Aoki
青木雅彦
btree@pop11.odn.ne.jp
メールアドレスが変わりました
****************************
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